This article was written in collaboration with the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) as part of EngageMedia’s Youth Communications and Advocacy and Greater Internet Freedom projects.
Read this article in Bengali
Bangladesh held its national elections on January 7, 2024, where the ruling Awami League claimed a substantial election victory securing 222 out of 298 available seats and winning a fifth consecutive term. The election was marred by low voter turnout as the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), boycotted it. Observers such as the US and the UK stopped short of calling the elections free and fair, citing increased political polarization, escalating violence among political actors, shrinking civic spaces, and deteriorating freedoms of expression.
The opposition has long campaigned for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina‘s resignation and has called for the election to be held under a neutral caretaker government. Over the past year, thousands of opposition leaders and activists have been arrested during protests and the internet was throttled or shut down.
We interviewed two young activists, Subinoy Eron and Lamea Tanha, to understand how they perceived the elections in digital spaces and in general. In this piece we also interviewed members of the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) for their insights on the elections in Bangladesh and their reaction to the young activists’ responses: John Reiner Antiquerra, Senior Program Officer for Outreach and Communication; Tharindu Damith Abeyrathna, Senior Program Officer for Campaign and Advocacy; and Brizza Rosales, Executive Director. ANFREL did not send observers to this election as the level of electoral competitiveness was inadequate. However, it closely monitored the election environment..
Read ANFREL’s bi-weekly update throughout the campaign period and election day of the country.
The role of Internet in the elections
The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) puts the internet penetration rate in Bangladesh at 44.5%; however, government data boasts that the rate is over 83%. Around 53 million internet users use Facebook as their daily news source, putting them vulnerable to potential influence operations by political parties.
Facebook was the leading platform used for spreading political propaganda and disinformation related to the Bangladesh elections, followed by YouTube and TikTok. Tech Global Institute, an international think tank, released a study in December 2023 analyzing a large dataset which revealed how ruling party Awami League (AL) and opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) reached millions of Bangladeshis through various Facebook pages and groups to disseminate their narratives to sway public opinion towards them.
A December 2023 study by rights-based organization Digitally Right revealed that several viral political ads bypassed Meta’s detection systems and were shown to users without necessary disclaimers. Over 90% of these ads, categorized as non-political, featured political party names or figures, and 72% included photos of political leaders or party symbols.
Both Tanha and Eron noted the use of technology during the elections to spread political messaging.
“I kept receiving text messages from various campaigns as a voter, mostly containing pro-government messages highlighting the achievements of the incumbent prime minister. Social media campaigns also glorified the ruling party’s accomplishments and spread content designed to manipulate sentiments by criticizing the opposition,” Tanha said.
“Social media also played a major role in shaping public narratives to boycott the vote,” Eron added.
A joint technical assessment mission of the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and International Republican Institute (IRI) also mentioned in an election report that numerous candidates and political parties were subjected to offensive discourse and intimidation on Facebook, restricting their freedom of expression.
In a recently published transparency report, Meta announced that it deleted 50 Facebook accounts and 98 Facebook pages from Bangladesh in the first quarter of this year for spreading misleading information about the opposition. According to TikTok, 2,358 accounts from Bangladesh were removed in January this year for attempting to manipulate the election discourse by posting skewed narratives.
Beyond the elections, social media remains a primary outlet for spreading political messaging.
Between the last week of July to early August 2024, several social media and communication apps such as Facebook and WhatsApp were reportedly inaccessible in many parts of the country. The government ordered a ban of many social media platforms in the wake of recent protests against the government job quota system, which has now evolved into a call for the Prime Minister’s resignation.
Disinformation and the use of AI and Deepfakes
Several articles in Dismislab reported the spread of fake news and pro-government narratives using generative artificial intelligence (AI) before or during the elections, including false claims of candidature withdrawals, attempts to portray the election as either successful or rigged, and the spread of international support or criticism by both the ruling party and the opposition.
While Tanha didn’t notice any use of technology by the candidates during the election, Eron stumbled upon some disinformation campaigns targeting the opposition, “including Midjourney illustrations or TikTok/Facebook reels.”
Bangladesh lacks laws governing AI and existing laws such as the copyright act does not cover it, while the Personal Data Protection Act is still in its drafting stages. In March this year, the government announced plans to draft new AI legislation by September 2024 to check misuse of AI.
However, the use of generative AI during the elections was minimal. According to a Financial Times report, there were instances of pro-government influencers using cheap AI content generation platforms. Independent candidate Beauty Begum in the Bogura-2 constituency was the target of a deepfake video disinformation campaign where she was shown announcing her withdrawal from the election on the election day. Similarly, independent candidate Abdullah Nahid Nigar from Gaibandha-1 was also targeted.
There were also instances of deep fake videos targeting opposition leaders before the election. Eron noted:
“I observed a disinformation campaign targeting the opposition leader, Tareque Rahman falsely claiming (in a deepfake video that) he supports Israel, which many people believed. This utilized the anti-Israel sentiment among Bangladeshis to undermine the opposition’s campaign. Even individuals with strong digital literacy can fall for these deep fakes. Such campaigns can indeed influence election outcomes.”
Shutdowns, Blockades, and Lack of Information
The internet landscape in Bangladesh is rich with the history of Internet Shutdowns, obstruction of information, and limitation to communication – especially in transitional periods such as elections. 10 shutdown incidents have been recorded since 2019, and the country was ranked top 5 for global shutdown rates. Extra-judicial requests for network shutdowns, website blockade, or content removal are often made by the government via unofficial, non-documented communications to prevent news of corruption or human rights violations from coming out, furthering a culture of impunity.
According to Eron, “there were no instances of internet throttling, and there were no restrictions on internet access on the day of the election”. However, according to OONI data, which Eron confirmed, several online portals of news websites such as Daily Manabzamin, jamuna TV, Daily Samakal, and www.voabangla.com were blocked on January 6 and 7 during the election.
Read more: Mobile Internet Shut Down in Bangladesh Amidst Protests (Internet Society)
Tanha said, “(On the election day) I encountered glitches on Messenger, and Facebook was slow to load. The internet was also slow during the opposition protests leading up to the election. During the October 2023 opposition protest, I personally experienced slow connectivity. When I contacted the ISP, they informed me that I should anticipate such slowness (due to the protests) and that they have no means to improve it.”
Aside from internet shutdown issues, it was also difficult to find information about the candidates online. Eron also mentioned about the lack of access to freely-available information about the candidates:
“I couldn’t find any websites with information about the candidates. I didn’t know how many candidates were running in my own constituency. I only saw a few names on paper, but there was no available information from the Election Commission providing details about the candidates online. Even though I didn’t plan to vote, I was curious and tried to explore an election app (the name of which I can’t recall), but it was inaccessible during the election period and showed errors.”
Since late July 2024, Bangladesh continues to endure an on-and-off nationwide internet shutdown. The restriction was implemented in response to the student protests against the government job quota, which has now evolved into a national protest calling for the Prime Minister’s resignation. Many news sites such as The Daily Star were inaccessible in the last week of July, and it remains difficult to reach Bangladeshis on the ground.
The OONI app results for the news site Bangla Outlook status on July 17, 2024. (Source: EngageMedia Team)
Narrowing of Civic Spaces leading to self-censorship
Bangladesh has had a history of cracking down on critical journalists and human rights defenders. The Digital Security Act, 2018 (Now repealed with the CyberSecurity Act, 2023 – though not much has changed) was often used as a tool to charge journalists and hold them in detention. The regulation vaguely defines the term “threat” and allows warrantless arrests based simply on a suspicion that a crime has been committed online. An April 2023 report noted that 56 journalists were arrested over three months. Many of those charged were reporting on topics including governmental policies, alleged corruption, and illicit business practices in Bangladesh.
These risks continue to be faced by journalists reporting on the 2024 election and political opposition figures. Similar arrests and harassment were also experienced by journalists covering the 2018 election. In fact, the two last election cycles – 2018 and 2024 – lacked transparency and fairness. It was characterized by allegations of widespread fraud, intimidation of critics and dissenters, political violence, and restricted electoral observation.
Self-censorship is then practised as a precautionary measure by journalists, human rights defenders, and minority groups, who are fielding threats of physical violence, vandalism, and constant pressure from the government to remove critical news and reports from their website. Many journalists and activists have expressed fear about exercising their freedom of expression online, including our two interviewees. According to Eron:
“I have to think before posting anything online due to concerns about the Digital Security Act/CyberSecurity Act. I constantly fear that my information will be leaked and I could be arrested, which could easily ruin my life. I have seen activists who express dissent being targeted by pro-government factions.”
Read more: Struggles for Rights: Challenges of the Youth to Battle Internet Censorship in Bangladesh
“I am now much more cautious about speaking out vocally, fearing intimidation. I refrain from sharing personal information, such as travel details, online to prioritize personal safety. Engaging in activism online also brings about a fear of online harassment. I’ve observed a widespread apprehension about being associated with dissenting voices online, as people fear they too could become targets,” Tanha mentioned.
The practice of systematically stifling local independent media and intimidating critics into self-censorship creates an imbalance where much of the widespread information then becomes pro-government and lacks substantial criticism, thus creating an uneven playing field and painting an incomplete observation of the governmental and political status quo.
Weighing in on the trend of self-censorship, John said, “It is a worrying trend that instead of engaging in healthy debate, those who express opinions contrary to popular ones face threats and attacks.”
Tharindu added, “Censorship creates an environment where the ruling party’s propaganda is loud, and other voices are not as visible in digital spaces. Thus, free speech is suppressed both physically and digitally, leaving no room for other voices.”
The youth on voting … and beyond
Of its 170 million population, Bangladesh has a sizable youth population with around 28% belonging to the 15-29 age group. They have been active in voicing out several concerns, such as VAT on Education and road safety issues. In Bangladesh, a large chunk of voters for the January 2024 polls were first-time voters, with around one-third of the country’s 119 million registered voters between the ages of 18 and 30.
Flyers of candidates over the buildings in Dhaka. (Source: Subinoy Eron)
However, in January, the country saw what seems to be a growing movement in refusing to participate in politics and the elections among the youth. Although young people played a significant role in previous political upheavals, more are shunning politics. This year’s election showed low voter turnout of only 41.8 percent.
Tanha and Eron were both first-time voters, but they didn’t or couldn’t vote.
“It was my decision because the election was neither proper nor did my area have a suitable candidate for me to support. The environment lacked a true democratic space. This choice reflects my stance on upholding democracy,” Eron explained.
In Tanha’s case, her constituency was in Madaripur, which is 130 kilometers away from the capital and – aside from feasibility reasons – she didn’t go to vote to protest what she considered a mockery of democracy as it was already evident who would win. However, she later found out that her identity was used in an election irregularity. “On election day, my mom informed me that someone from my extended family, who supported a local leader, illegally cast my vote using my ID,” she said. While showing proof of ID is required to vote, there are cases where someone with a different or forged ID can access the polling station due to negligence or deliberate rigging practices. Similar voting irregularities were also seen in the previous general elections in 2018.
For Eron, the youth played a significant role in previous political movements, but this was noticeably lacking in the 2024 elections:
“Historically, Bangladesh has had a strong student political movement, with students playing a significant role in the political landscape and during different political movements. However, during this election, I observed no activity from student factions of other political parties except factions of the ruling party. Opposition activists faced crackdowns all through 2023 and were inactive. No spontaneous or independent youth movement was seen, leaving the field effectively empty,” Eron said.
While Tanha observed youth involvement in the election, she noted that this largely came from the ruling party:
“The ruling party’s student members have been very active in promoting the government’s achievements before the elections. I saw extensive pro-government posters and graffiti across the campus walls. Unfortunately, there is a monopoly on the campaign; any opposition graffiti was removed the next day.”
These sentiments speak to what seems to be a growing frustration among the youth. Many skipped the voting booths this year, citing bitter experiences from the past such as being refused entry to the polling station, apparent domination by a single party, and fear of violence.
Reacting to Eron and Tanha’s comments, Tharindu said, “The respondents do not trust the electoral system and did not want to participate in the voting process, as they believe that the outcome will be the same regardless.” Prime Minister Hashina with her party Awami League had been in power since 2009, and elections in Bangladesh have been seen as ‘not free nor fair’ due to the lack of meaningful opposition and the intimidation of critics to the government.
A clear example of the people’s distrust of the voting process is the controversy on using Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Concerns about lack of trained manpower to handle the technology; the high cost needed to purchase and maintain the machines (hundreds of which are now out of order due to flawed long-term planning); and potential vote rigging practices were raised by the Opposition Coalition. In the end, the 2024 Election used the traditional ballot-and-box voting method to dissuade these concerns. From Tharindu’s point of view, “not using electronic voting machines (EVMs) stems from widespread mistrust in the election process. The distrust of EVMs is a natural repercussion of this.”
All hope is not lost, however, as refusal to participate within the election and frustration to the system does not necessarily translate to apathy on social causes and activism. In the process of writing this article, Bangladesh saw yet another youth movement leading the protest against the 30% quota for freedom fighters and their descendants on government jobs which started in July this year. The police and the ruling party student wing cracked down on the protesters from July 15. In the process, clashes between law enforcers and protesters broke out across the country from July 16 to 23. On August 3, 2024, the protest turned to “one point demand” calling for the resignation of the current Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina Wazed, who won the election last January, and the government’s responsibility over the 200 people who died in the violence until August 3 – one-fourth of whom were students.
On August 5, Sheikh Hasina resigned as the students were observing their “March to Dhaka” rally. While authorities are determining the country’s Interim Government, and the army is in control, students and young people are showing up for their fellow citizens, volunteering to clean the roads after the mass rallies and controlling the traffic. The situation is ongoing, and we can yet to predict what will happen next.
One thing for sure, however, is that Bangladesh youth have once again become the catalyst for change. “The role of student movements for democracy has always been very important in the political history of Bangladesh. It happened this time too.” Eron remarked when asked about his reflections of the recent Gen-Z uprising via email. “When the people of the country thought they could no longer overthrow the former regime, the student movement quickly gave people new hope, and it turned into a mass uprising. This is not limited to a change of government. In the absence of any government, for now, students are taking the streets and managing themselves in the sense of self-governance.”
“As a result of the street struggle, dialogue between people, solidarity, and new ideas about political principles are also seen. And, that’s the most beautiful thing about democracy – I believe,” he concluded.
